Location:  Home » Books » The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism    

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster CapitalismAuthor: Naomi Klein
Publisher: Picador
Category: Book

List Price: $16.00
Buy Used: $5.99
as of 9/5/2010 04:17 CDT details
You Save: $10.01 (63%)

In Stock


New (57) Used (83) from $5.99

Seller: bookoutlet1
Rating: 4.0 out of 5 stars 443 reviews
Sales Rank: 2,130

Media: Paperback
Edition: 1st
Pages: 720
Number Of Items: 1
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.3
Dimensions (in): 8.3 x 5.6 x 1.5

ISBN: 0312427999
Dewey Decimal Number: 330.122
EAN: 9780312427993
ASIN: 0312427999

Publication Date: June 24, 2008
Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days

Features:
  • ISBN13: 9780312427993
  • Condition: New
  • Notes: BUY WITH CONFIDENCE, Over one million books sold! 98% Positive feedback. Compare our books, prices and service to the competition. 100% Satisfaction Guaranteed

Also Available In:

  • Paperback - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Paperback - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Hardcover - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Kindle Edition - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Hardcover - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Hardcover - THE SHOCK DOCTRINE: THE RISE OF DISASTER CAPITALISM
  • Hardcover - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Audio CD - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Paperback - The Shock Doctrine
  • Kindle Edition - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Audible Audio Edition - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
  • Kindle Edition - The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism

Similar Items:


Editorial Reviews:

Amazon.com Review
Naomi Klein's The Shock Doctrine advances a truly unnerving argument: historically, while people were reeling from natural disasters, wars and economic upheavals, savvy politicians and industry leaders nefariously implemented policies that would never have passed during less muddled times. As Klein demonstrates, this reprehensible game of bait-and-switch isn't just some relic from the bad old days. It's alive and well in contemporary society, and coming soon to a disaster area near you.

"At the most chaotic juncture in Iraq'' civil war, a new law is unveiled that will allow Shell and BP to claim the country's vast oil reserves… Immediately following September 11, the Bush Administration quietly outsources the running of the 'War on Terror' to Halliburton and Blackwater… After a tsunami wipes out the coasts of Southeast Asia, the pristine beaches are auctioned off to tourist resorts… New Orleans residents, scattered from Hurricane Katrina, discover that their public housing, hospitals and schools will never be re-opened." Klein not only kicks butt, she names names, notably economist Milton Friedman and his radical Chicago School of the 1950s and 60s which she notes "produced many of the leading neo-conservative and neo-liberal thinkers whose influence is still profound in Washington today." Stand up and take a bow, Donald Rumsfeld.

There's little doubt Klein's book--which arrived to enormous attention and fanfare thanks to her previous missive, the best-selling No Logo, will stir the ire of the right and corporate America. It's also true that Klein's assertions are coherent, comprehensively researched and footnoted, and she makes a very credible case. Even if the world isn't going to hell in a hand-basket just yet, it's nice to know a sharp customer like Klein is bearing witness to the backroom machinations of government and industry in times of turmoil. --Kim Hughes

Product Description

In this groundbreaking alternative history of the most dominant ideology of our time, Milton Friedman's free-market economic revolution, Naomi Klein challenges the popular myth of this movement's peaceful global victory. From Chile in 1973 to Iraq today, Klein shows how Friedman and his followers have repeatedly harnessed terrible shocks and violence to implement their radical policies. As John Gray wrote in The Guardian, "There are very few books that really help us understand the present. The Shock Doctrine is one of those books."

Naomi Klein is the award-winning author of the acclaimed international bestseller No Logo and the essay collection Fences and Windows. An internationally syndicated columnist, she co-created with Avi Lewis, The Take, a documentary film.
Winner of the Warwick Prize for Writing
Finalist for the Los Angeles Times Book Prize
Finalist for the New York Public Library Bernstein Award for Journalism
A San Francisco Chronicle Notable Book of the Year
A Chicago Sun-Times Favorite Book of the Year
A Publishers Weekly Best Book of the Year
Winner of the Libris Award for Best Non-fiction Book of the Year (Canada)
Finalist for the National Business Book Award (Canada)
A Guardian and Observer Favorite Book of the Year (U.K.)

The bestselling author of No Logo shows how the global "free market" has exploited crises and shock for three decades, from Chile to Iraq.
 
In her groundbreaking reporting over the past few years, Naomi Klein introduced the term "disaster capitalism." Whether covering Baghdad after the U.S. occupation, Sri Lanka in the wake of the tsunami, or New Orleans post-Katrina, she witnessed something remarkably similar. People still reeling from catastrophe were being hit again, this time with economic "shock treatment," losing their land and homes to rapid-fire corporate makeovers.

The Shock Doctrine retells the story of the most dominant ideology of our time, Milton Friedman's free market economic revolution. In contrast to the popular myth of this movement’s peaceful global victory, Klein shows how it has exploited moments of shock and extreme violence in order to implement its economic policies in so many parts of the world from Latin America and Eastern Europe to South Africa, Russia, and Iraq.

At the core of disaster capitalism is the use of cataclysmic events to advance radical privatization combined with the privatization of the disaster response itself. Klein argues that by capitalizing on crises, created by nature or war, the disaster capitalism complex now exists as a booming new economy, and is the violent culmination of a radical economic project that has been incubating for fifty years.
 
Also available on CD as an abridged audiobook.  Please email academic@macmillan.com for more information.
The Shock Doctrine is Klein’s ambitious look at the economic history of the last 50 years and the rise of free-market fundamentalism around the world . . . Klein provides a rich description of the political machinations required to force unsavory economic policies on resisting countries, and the human toll. She paints a disturbing portrait of hubris, not only on the part of Friedman but also of those who adopted his doctrines, sometimes to pursue more corporatist objectives. It is striking to be reminded how many of the people involved in the Iraq war were involved earlier in other shameless episodes in United States foreign policy history.”—Joseph E. Stiglitz, The New York Times Book Review
The Shock Doctrine is Klein’s ambitious look at the economic history of the last 50 years and the rise of free-market fundamentalism around the world . . . Klein provides a rich description of the political machinations required to force unsavory economic policies on resisting countries, and of the human toll. She paints a disturbing portrait of hubris, not only on the part of Friedman but also of those who adopted his doctrines, sometimes to pursue more corporatist objectives. It is striking to be reminded how many of the people involved in the Iraq war were involved earlier in other shameless episodes in United States foreign policy history. She draws a clear line from the torture in Latin America in the 1970s to that at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo Bay . . . Klein ends on a hopeful note, describing nongovernmental organizations and activists around the world who are trying to make a difference. After 500 pages of The Shock Doctrine, it’s clear they have their work cut out for them.”—Joseph E. Stiglitz, The New York Times Book Review

"With the publication seven years ago of No Logo, in the wake of the anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, Klein demonstrated that the 'just do it' triumphalism of Nike and other global brands masked serious inequities and injustices. Her new book, The Shock Doctrine, takes the argument an important step further. Neoliberal capitalism, she argues, thrives on catastrophe: Not only are fortunes made from the misfortunes of the masses, but the global dominance of free-market capitalism is built on the infliction of disasters on the world's less fortunate. Klein developed her position over 460-some closely argued pages of text, plus meticulous endnotes . . . The Shock Doctrine is a valuable addition to the corpus of popular books that have attempted to rethink the big ideas of our post-Cold War age."—Shashi Tharoor, The Washington Post

"The connections are daring in journalist Naomi Klein's new book, The Shock Doctrine, but the result is convincing. With a bold and brilliantly conceived thesis, skillfully and cogently threaded through more than 500 pages of trenchant writing, Klein may well have revealed the master narrative of our time. And because the pattern she exposes could govern our future as well, The Shock Doctrine could turn out to be among the most important books of the decade . . . Klein's book is well researched and reported, with a mixture of sharp first-person observations, compelling narrative based on sources and absorbing writing . . . The story she tells so very well is very dark, however—darker than we'd like to believe. In the Harry Potter books, creatures called dementors steal souls and suck all the hope out of the air. Therapy for a dementor encounter is eating chocolate. Though this book is superbly constructed and written, and in that sense is easy to read, the content is relentlessly harrowing. It deserves to be widely read, but readers may want frequent access to a handy supply of chocolate."—William S. Kowinski, San Francisco Chronicle

“Those of us who imagine economists to be mild souls preoccupied with tedious abstractions are in for a shock from The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein’s stunning, polemic re-examination of the last 30-plus years in the history of free-market capitalism. If we bought the myth of corporate globalization as a benign and bloodless process, Klein has more jolts in store . . . Her research is massive, meticulously documented and laid out in fluid, accessible and intriguing stories . . . The Shock Doctrine is serious and exhilarating with buzz of inside information and revealed connections. The book is ultimately hopeful because, as Klein points out, the shock wears out.”—Katherine Dunn, The Oregonian (Portland)

“A work of extraordinary synthesis, The Shock Doctrine is required reading for anyone who wants to know the roots of our current political and economic landscape and prepare for the shocks that await us.”—Ronnie Steinberg, Ms.

“In her explosive counterhistory of global capitalism, against the glib accounts offered by mainstream economists and celebrity journalists, Naomi Klein argues that the answer lies in a simple two-step strategy, honed over three decades by an international cabal of freemarket fundamentalists . . . Her new book is a broad survey of its rise as a mode of development imposed on unwilling populations throughout the world. It is also a searing indictment of its practitioners, from the `Chicago School juntas’ of Friedman acolytes who collaborated with murderous dictators so long as they professed enthusiasm, for free markets, to the international-development organizations that demanded `shock therapy’ and showed little regard for the welfare of those who absorbed it, to the corrupt officials who profited from what they benignly labeled `structural adjustment’ . . . The heart of Klein’s is her arresting claim that the shock doctrine not only operates according to the logic of torture but also leads to the enactment of brutal repression—including detention, disappearances, torture, and murder—against its critics . . . The Shock Doctrine is a massive, courageous undertaking, and Klein’s impassioned critique of the violence that accompanies American economic imperialism is not merely necessary but urgent.”—Eric Klinenberg, Bookforum

"Klein explodes the myth that the global free market triumphed democratically. Exposing the thinking, the money trail and the puppet strings behind the world-changing crises and wars of the last four decades, The Shock Doctrine is the gripping story of how America's 'free market' policies have come to dom...




Customer Reviews:
Showing reviews 1-5 of 443
1 2 3 4 5 6 ...89Next »



5 out of 5 stars Shockingly Powerful   July 14, 2008
!Edwin C. Pauzer (New York City)
247 out of 314 found this review helpful

The late Milton Friedman, the renowned economist, believed that democracy and a free-market economy went hand-in-hand, that the greatest threat to both was nationalization, government regulation, and social spending. He preached this philosophy to his disciples at the University of Chicago School of Economics, and they would go forth spreading the Gospel according to the Book of Milton.

There is also the International Monetary Fund, an agency founded after World War II to help struggling countries and their economies get back on their feet. Many of its managers and policy makers will be graduates of the Chicago School of Economics, and they will begin to impose the Friedman creed wherever possible.

There is only one thing wrong. No population seems to vote in the people who support their brand of economics. Its first success is when a socialist, democratically elected President of Chile, Salvador Allende, is overthrown and killed when the presidential palace is stormed by fascists. Augusto Pinochet comes into power and immediately places the "Chicago boys" in charge of the economy. With the death of price controls and lunch programs, Chileans find themselves spending one quarter of their monthly salaries just to buy bread. They will leave hours earlier for work than usual because they can no longer afford public transportation. Even Chile's social security program, once a model of efficiency is privatized, becoming virtually worthless overnight. Chilean children begin fainting in school from lack of food or milk and many stop attending altogether.

The story of Chile will be repeated in Argentina, Bolivia, China, Peru, Poland, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and Russia where the IMF will demand that borrowers meet Draconian conditions before they lend money. In each case these austerity measures will be made overnight, all at once. A shocked population will come to their senses if such radical changes are made over time. They will be able to organize, mobilize and challenge the implementation of such policies. It has to come all at once, right after elections, a coup, or a hurricane when the population will be too dazed and disorganized to respond. This will be the shock, or as author Naomi Klein calls it, shock doctrine. For those who are still lucid, there is the next step in the shock doctrine, terrorize, torture, or make them disappear.

In each case, in each country, prices on food and other common items will go through the roof, the number of destitute will increase exponentially, and democracy will be squashed. In China, the communist elite will impose these changes on the masses while ensuring that they will profit handsomely from the economic and social upheaval. President Clinton will cheer the economic shock doctrine instituted by Boris Yeltsin as he dissolves the Court and the Parliament, bringing the Russian army out to attack the latter, which killed more than 300 people and several deputies. A new class of super mega apparatchiks will emerge increasing the divide between the "have mores" and the "have nothings," and Russians will put up with a few KGB murders and disappearances for the promise of stability that Vladimir Putin will provide.

The Polish people, fed up with the broken promises of Solidarity who succumbed to IMF demands to relieve them of their crushing debt, will be thrown out of office in 1996 elections. Nelson Mandela will focus so much on achieving political control of South Africa he will neglect the real political power of controlling the economic engines that run the nation. He soon discovers that without economic power, he has no political muscle. He becomes a slave of economic apartheid. Shanty towns will get larger and people will become poorer. The population is disillusioned with their new-found "equality." The tsunami in Sri Lanka will allow the hoteliers to make a deal with the government, and place security guards around the beaches of what once belonged to villagers who fished from there for hundreds of years. After all, what right did they have to be there? Besides, the smell of fish made their guests complain. They will be driven inland where they will be given boats and houses, just no access to water to fish.

But that could never be allowed to happen here, or could it? One of the first things President George W. Bush does after he finally realizes what happened in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina is remove union wage scale that contractors would have to pay to laborers. (After all, it is the corporations that must benefit the most from disaster capitalism, not the people of New Orleans). The shock has begun as developers are already seeing how they can take over the utterly destroyed neighborhoods of the poor and turn them into luxury condos and hotels. Charter schools are replacing the public schools and teachers. Contractors will wake up illegal laborers in the night to tell them that the Immigration officers are coming to arrest them. They will run away without having been paid. The Federal Emergency Management Agency, once a functional, effective, national emergency response unit, has had so much work farmed out to contractors, it cannot mount an effective response to the disaster. They will pay top dollar for roofing that can be done at a fraction of the cost. They will supply trailers for homeless that are made of material unsafe to breathe, and people will die in a stadium because no one can take care of them.

In Iraq, the local population rose up after our invasion and began to elect their own leaders and councils. They announced plans to take over city governments, services and industry. When Iraqis were asked what they wanted more of when surveyed, they clamored for more government jobs. But L. Paul Bremer wasn't about to allow democracy to get in the way of disaster capitalism. He ordered the military to disband all local democratic initiatives, which he replaced with a council not chosen by the Iraqi people, but by him.

George Bush talks democracy (in Iraq), but walks capitalism by performing a Marshal Plan in reverse. The original plan implemented right after World War II called for keeping foreign investors out of Germany. Our government wanted the Germans to be able to build up their own industry and wealth. Not so in Iraq. Unemployed and starving Iraqis watched how American contractors brought in cheap Asian labor to rebuild their country. Iraqi unemployment remains at approximately sixty percent. American oil companies and American banks make long-term contracts with the new Iraqi government, and the IMF wants Iraq to sell off its own oil industry to foreigners. The second largest military commitment in Iraq, after the Americans, will be mercenaries.

Does anyone wonder why there is an insurgency? "No 'capitalization' without representation!"

The author makes it clear. In every country that holds free elections, no one votes for the shock doctrine of disaster capitalism. No one will vote away social programs, controls, or selling off their industries and companies to foreign investors. Klein's conclusion? Capitalism and democracy are not inherently compatible as Friedman always believed. It was just the opposite.

This book is powerful and moving. As I reread my review, I feel I have not done her book justice in relating the power and depth of Naomi Klein's words. Her documentation is exceptional. Her ability to craft together different events and present them in a coherent and believable hypothesis is necromantic.

Once in a while you find a book, a special book, one you keep as a reference, a "go-to" one. This is such a text. It is one of the two most important I have read for 2008. I have enough admiration for this woman's work that I would buy anything she writes, without hesitation. Her writing will hold your attention.

"The Shock Doctrine" is eye-opening and of course, absolutely shocking.






July 14, 2008
Bastille Day--How Appropriate.



5 out of 5 stars The New "New Economy"   September 18, 2007
Panopticonman (Brooklyn, NY USA)
318 out of 409 found this review helpful

In THE SHOCK DOCTRINE, Naomi Klein brilliantly proposes a compelling counter-story to the prevailing fable of free market infallibility. Buttressed by painstaking and wide-ranging research, and an ability to see connections where others only see coincidence, Ms. Klein amply shows that profit-making is not the essence of democracy as Milton Friedman and his minions would have it. She shows instead that the machinery of the state and the requirements of "disaster capitalism" are now so tightly synchronized in their exploitation of disasters both man-made and natural as to be virtually one in the same.

Citing pertinent examples to prove her thesis that "disaster capitalism" is now rampant around the world - in Russia, in China, in Iraq to name just a few - she describes how in times of crisis, elites everywhere have learned that they can profit by implementing policies, e.g., "shock therapy" or "shock and awe," that would have been vigorously opposed in normal times. When these changes to Friedmanite free-market dicta are opposed, as they were in Chile, a third shock is implemented. This, according to Klein is a shock that is entirely man-made - the torture and murder of those who would stand in the way of the takeover of the public sector, or, as neo-liberal economists would have it, the bringing forth of a new birth of freedom.

During the "Reagan Revolution," Klein argues, the notion of the `Entrepreneur As Hero' was buffed to a high gloss though the influence of right-wing think tanks whose pronouncements were reported by a cowed and obedient media. A decade later in the dot.com era, entrepreneurs were burnished to blinding sheen when the media fed the world images of swashbuckling venture capitalists who were touted as bringing forth a new millennium through the Internet. Klein maintains that George W. Bush's "public offering" -- the War on Terror - covered slavishly and avidly by the media, has been wildly successful, lining the pockets of investors in the new Homeland Security sector as promises of taxpayer money everlastingly flowing into the coffers of the military-industrial-energy complex have been fulfilled. This is the new "new economy:" the looting of the public sector through the now tried-and-true methods of disaster capitalism.

THE SHOCK DOCTRINE reveals the many wounds that disaster capitalism has inflicted upon the body politic both here in the U.S. and throughout the world over the past 25 years. It is a breathtaking achievement. Highly recommended.



5 out of 5 stars Incredible Insights!   September 22, 2007
Loyd E. Eskildson (Phoenix, AZ.)
71 out of 91 found this review helpful

Klein's book is a solid and invaluable study of "economic shock therapy" (sudden privatization removal of all trade barriers, accompanied by drastic reductions in taxes and social spending) over the past three decades. She concludes that economic shock therapy (originally formulated by economist Milton Friedman) cannot be implemented without a preceding crisis (eg. hyperinflation (eg. Chile, Bolivia), weather disasters (eg. Katrina or the 2004 tsunami in South Asia), war (eg. 9/11, Iraq War II), or major political upset (eg. the Soviet Union after Gorbachev's resignation), and requires suppression of dissent to succeed. The "really bad news" is that each example cited by Klein quickly led to massive economic worsening for the general populace. Worse yet, is Friedman's statement that "our (true free-market enthusiasts) basic function is to develop alternatives to existing policies, and to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable." Worst of all, is a suspicion that the current administration is committed to bringing about such crises if they don't naturally occur.

Friedman first learned to exploit large-scale crisis in the mid-70s while acting as advisor to Chile's General Pinochet following his violent 1074 coup. Tax cuts, free trade, privatized services, cuts in social spending, deregulation, voucher-funded private schools quickly followed. Torture cells and mass murders stifled dissent. Unemployment went from 3 to 20% (ultimately 30% in 1982), and thousands of business foundered. Eventually Pinochet was forced to rescind much of what had been done, and Chile began recovering - mainly thanks to its government copper mines that had not been privatized. A lasting result, however, that in 2007, Chileans had the 8th most unequal income distribution.

Russia's Yeltsin wasted no time after Gorbachev's 10/91 resignation, and in his first week announced lifting price controls (70% opposed), free trade policies, and the beginning of rapid privatization of the nation's 225,000 state-owned companies. Parliament agreed to give Yeltsin free rein for a year. At the end of that period the economy had fallen 40%, and rising opposition prompted Yeltsin to disband Parliament and back up his decrees with military rule and arrests. A small group of oligarchs managed to use government monies deposited in their just-created banks to buy vast national assets at fire-sale prices - eg. 51% of one oil company went for $130 million, only to be valued two years later at $2.8 billion. (Only Russians were allowed ownership.) These oligarchs then supported Yeltsin with large donations and heavy media coverage - 800X that of his rivals. Despite winning the election, Yeltsin's approval rating fell to 6%, and by '98, over 80% of Russian farms were bankrupt, those living in poverty rose from 2 million to 74 million in 8 years, the population declined 10%, etc.

Undeterred, reformers' next stop was Iraq. This time, U.S. firms would be the first in line for the anticipated easy billions. Bremer spent most of his first four months almost exclusively on economic matters - privatizing everything in sight (except oil - was warned that to do so would create enormous resistance), lowering the corporate tax rate from 45 to 15%, allowing foreign companies to own 100% of Iraqi assets and take out 100% of the profits, and cementing deals with 40-year leases and contracts. Meanwhile, de-Baathification removed skilled people from their posts, weakened the voice of secular Iraqis, and fed the resistance - already red hot from Bremer's having dismissed the entire 400,000 man Iraqi army. Unemployment, already high, rose even more. Then, it was on to rewrite the Iraq constitution to cement these changes - this succeeded at first, but opposition led to a second rewriting where these changes were lost.

Only 15,000 Iraqis were hired for reconstruction projects under Bremer; meanwhile, American companies made billions, aided by 20-50% overheads that incorporated multiple levels of contracting to share the wealth with Kuwaitis and Saudis.

As for U.S. government waste - no problem! Our decaying infrastructure becomes an opportunity to turn additional areas over to private enterprise, companies like Blackwater ($950/day to guard FEMA staff and facilities during Katrina) and Custer Battles provide a solid source of on-going Republican-party donations. Iraq War expenditures and tax cuts provide motivation for standing against children's' health care funding.

Meanwhile, the U.S. continues to "benefit" from expanded free trade just like Chile, Bolivia, Poland, Russia, and Iraq have done - with increased income inequality and lower standards of living.

Joseph Stiglitz, 2001 Nobel Prize-winner in economics, also reviewed this book (New York Times, 9/30/07). While not entirely supportive, he also concluded that "the case against these (Friedman's) policies is even stronger than the one Klein makes. They were never based on solid empirical and theoretical foundations, and even as many of these policies were being pushed, academic economists were explaining the limitations of markets."



5 out of 5 stars Easily one of the top ten on the death of the American dream   October 1, 2007
Robert D. Steele (Oakton, VA United States)
74 out of 96 found this review helpful

I read this book while crossing the Atlantic. The author has done something extraordinary, the equivalent of Silent Spring for industrial-era capitalism as an immoral form of human organization. This book is unique but also tightly linked to the books that I list below.

The conclusion of the book focuses on how Wall Street has discovered how to profit from mega-disasters and financial melt-downs, and contrary to popular belief, Wall Street makes money from these economic down-turns. It is the individual, and the indigenous owners who are forced to sell below market, that lose, every time.

The author's opening focus is on privatization, deregulation, and deep cuts in social spending, each as mandated by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, with other nasty triggers demanded by the World Trade Organization, that have been systematically used to loot entire nations and their commonwealths--this is apart from the immoral predatory capitalism that uses bribes to clear areas of indigenous peoples so they can steal all the gold or other natural resources, and their only cost is the bribe, while the host peoples lose billions in natural resources.

The author teaches us that "disaster capitalism" is the next step above immoral predatory capitalism, in which wars and disasters have been privatized and the global military-industrial-prison-hospital complex has moved one step closer to displacing all governments.

She spends time discussion torture by dictators as a silent partner to the free-market crusade, and this is a good time to mention that the book is a standing condemnation of all that Milton Friedman and "the Chicago boys" inserted into the IMF and World Bank via their students.

She provides a helpful discussion of how believers in Armageddon, including the neo-conservatives, are motivated by the belief that there is such a thing as a clean slate, and that Africa without Africans, or Iraq without Iraqis, are both desirable for that reason.

She does a tremendous job of outlining the three shock waves of disaster capitalism:

1. Government Disaster/War out-sourced
2. Corporate looting
3. Police terrorism

A portion of the book focuses on the urgency of restoring unions and the middle class, unions because they protect fair wages that create a middle class. She stresses that the 1970's through the 1990's saw a global (but particularly southern hemisphere) campaign to use the cover of counter-terrorism to murder and terrorize union leaders. As a graduate of the Central American and Andean wars, I can certainly testify to the fact that government death squads were as about looting and killing opposition leaders, and I for one saw no terrorists, only indigenous people's at the end of their rope.

Interestingly the author singles out visionaries as being among the top targets for being hunted down and "disappeared." Visionaries counter the government lies that seek to rule by secrecy, impose scarcity, and concentrate wealth within a small elite.

The author damningly documents how eager corporations have been to work with dictators to create police states that eliminate unions and enslave peoples at wages that cannot support a family, much less create a middle class.

She focuses on national debt and on government corruption as the two pillars of social destruction. As a student of E. O. Wilson and Medard Gabel, and many others, I can testify that there is plenty of money for all of us to be virtual billionaires, but it is corruption and greed at the top, enabled by secrecy, that have allowed a handful to create a global class war and impoverish the 90% that do the hard work (see my list on this one).

I am utterly blown away by the author's overall assessment, in the middle of the book, to wit, that crisis is now used routinely to side-step reasoned democracy and completely halt political and social reform while furthering the ends of those who seek to concentrate wealth and power exclusive of the larger body of We the People.

The author is damning across the board of the failures of neoliberalism, which has been a "second pillage" of the looting of state-owned enterprises, following the first pillage, the looting of the natural resources of the commonwealth being targeted.

As part of this the author explicitly accuses the IMF of deliberately fostering crises in part by fabricating and manipulating statistics, or as the author puts it, "statistical malpractice."

The author suggests that unlike the Mexican bail-out, when Rubin was seeking to protect Wall Street investments, Asia was allowed to collapse financially because the US wanted to put an end to the prospects of their being a "third" way that was more balanced than either capitalism for the few on one side, or socialism for all on the other. This is especially noteworthy because Latin America is today pursuing a similar "third way" and very likely to succeed.

The author declares that Donald Rumsfeld's over-riding objective as Secretary of Defense was the privatization of war. The author tells us that he declared war on the Pentagon bureaucracy on 10 September (this is the same day that Congresswoman McKinney's was grilling him on the missing 2.3 trillion dollars). On 11 September the missile won Rumsfeld his war with the Pentagon bureaucracy *and* it destroyed the computers with all the records on the missing money.

The author goes on to document how the Bush Administration privatized Homeland Security across the board.

As the book draws to a close she reviews the history of corporate-driven foreign policy, summing it up in three steps:

1. Corporation suffers set-back in a foreign country
2. Politicians loyal to the corporation demonize the foreign country
3. Politicians "sell" US public on the need for regime change.

The author scorns political appointees, noting that their "service" these days is little more than a pre-raid reconnaissance.

She concludes by suggesting that disaster apartheid is leaving 25-60% of the populations as an underclass, destroyed middle classes, and creating walled cities for the elite, death and suffering for everyone else. Dubai is one such walled city.

Corporations are red-lining the world, using stocks, currency, and real estate markets to crash economies, buy cheap, and then restore with a sharp re-concentration of wealth.

Ending on a positive note, she suggests that We the People are in the process of reconstructing our own world, and while I did not see mention of the World Index of Social and Environmental Responsibility (WISER) or Interra and the other community-oriented systems, I believe she is correct, and that the Earth Intelligence Network, the Transpartisan Policy Institute, the People's Budget Office, are all part of taking back the power and the commonwealth.

This is a great and necessary book. Others (the first two DVDs) listed below reinforce her findings.

The Corporation
Wal-Mart: The High Cost of Low Price
The Soul of Capitalism: Opening Paths to a Moral Economy
Confessions of an Economic Hit Man
The Global Class War: How America's Bipartisan Elite Lost Our Future - and What It Will Take to Win It Back
The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans Are Doing Wrong to Get Ahead
The Working Poor: Invisible in America
Running on Empty: How the Democratic and Republican Parties Are Bankrupting Our Future and What Americans Can Do About It
Breach of Trust: How Washington Turns Outsiders Into Insiders
Vice: Dick Cheney and the Hijacking of the American Presidency



5 out of 5 stars To the negative reviewers   October 19, 2007
C. Hampton (Southern California)
31 out of 39 found this review helpful

To those who rated this as a bad book and then go on to say the book faults capitalism is missing the point. The world is not black or white or pure capitalism versus total dictatorial communism. For capitalism to really work there needs to be regulations so that the playing field is fair. For a free country to really be free the people must have an opportunity to be part of it (i.e. free quality public education, health care, etc.).

If those who find pure capitalism and the shrinking middle class ok, I only point you to the words of John F. Kennedy, "If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich". If you don't like communism or dictatorships, then support social programs that give the poor an opportunity to become middle class. I can point to example after example of countries where the wealthy took more and more and gave no opportunity to the poor that eventually had the poor take over and end up with a dictatoral communist country that was far worse than a democratic republic with good regulations on business and robust social programs.


Showing reviews 1-5 of 443
1 2 3 4 5 6 ...89Next »



Copyright © 2009 Free Enterprise
corporatism  disaster capitalism  economics  naomi klein  politics